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The Keys Of This Blood: The Struggle For World ... ((NEW))

Martin wrote this book as a geopolitical and georeligious analysis of the last decades of the 20th century. He identifies this period as the millennium end-game for a new world order, which has three main contenders. It will establish the first ever one-world government. Pope John Paul II, Mikhail Gorbachev, and international business leaders are in competition to establish this one world government and that this competition will intensify around the turn of the 21st century (around 2000). The book further claims to be an inside account of what the pope is doing to win this geopolitical struggle and how he played an instrumental role in the collapse of the Iron Curtain.

The Keys of This Blood: The Struggle for World ...

Martin introduces the concept of superforce in the book. Superforce is the unofficial name given by Martin for a more or less formal group of people within the hierarchy of the Catholic Church (82). Martin claimed that this superforce is a sort of ecclesiastical version of a hostile corporate takeover team and that it was made up of churchmen of such rank and power within the Vatican and at key points of the hierarchic structure that they controlled the most vital organs and sinews of that structure, worldwide. The goal of this organisation consist in a fundamental shift in church teachings.[1]

Excerpts from the book:The Servant of the Grand DesignWilling or not, ready or not, we are all involved in an all-out, no holds barred, three-way global competition. Most of us are not competitors, however. We are the stakes. For the competition is about who will establish the first one-world system of government that has ever existed in the society of nations. It is about who will hold and wield the dual power of authority and control over each of us as individuals and over all of us together as a community; over the entire six billion people expected by demographers to inhabit the earth by early in the third millennium.The competition is all-out because, now that it has started, there is no way it can be reversed or called off.No holds are barred because, once the competition has been decided, the world and all that's in it - our way of life as individuals and as citizens of the nations; our families and our jobs; our trade and commerce and money; our educational systems and our religions and our cultures; even the badges of our national identity, which of us have always taken for granted - all will have been powerfully and radically altered forever. No one can be exempted from its effects. No sector of our lives will remain untouched.The competition began and continues as a three-way affair because that is the number of rivals with sufficient resources to establish and maintain a new world order.No one who is acquainted with the plans of these three rivals has any doubt but that only one of them can win. Each expects the other two to be overwhelmed and swallowed up in the coming maelstrom of change. That being the case, it would appear inescapable that their competition will end up as confrontation.As to the time factor involved, those of us who are under seventy will see at least the basic structures of the new world government installed. Those of us under forty will surely live under its legislative, executive and judiciary authority and control. Indeed, the three rivals themselves - and many more besides as time goes on - speak about this new world order not as something around a distant corner of time, but as something that is imminent. As a system that will be introduced and installed by the end of this final decade of the second millennium.What these competitors are talking about, then, is the most profound and widespread modification of international, national and local life that the world has seen in a thousand years. And the competition they are engaged in can be described simply enough as the millennial endgame.Ten years before this competition became manifest to the world at large, the man who was destined to become the first, the most unexpected, and for some at least, the most unwelcome competitor of all in this millennial endgame spoke openly about what he saw down the road even then.Toward the end of an extended visit to America in 1976, an obscure Polish archbishop from Krakow by the name of Karol Wojtyla stood before an audience in New York City and made one of prophetic speeches ever given."We are standing now in the face of the greatest historical confrontation humanity has gone through," he said, " ... a test of two thousand years of culture and Christian civilization, with all its consequences for human dignity, individual rights and the rights of nations.' But he chided his listeners on that September day, 'Wide circles of American society and wide circles of the Christian community do not realize this fully ..."Perhaps the world was still too immersed in the old system of nation-states, and in all the old international balance-of-power arrangements, to hear what Wojtyla was saying. Or perhaps Wojtyla himself was reckoned as no more than an isolated figure hailing from an isolated country that had long since been pointedly written out of the global power equation. Or perhaps after the industrial slaughter of millions of human beings in two world wars and in 180 local wars, and after the endless terror of nuclear brinkmanship that have marked the progress of the twentieth century, the feeling was simply that one confrontation more or less wasn't going to make much difference.Whatever the reason, it would seem that no one who heard or later read what Karol Wojtyla said that day had any idea that he was pointing to a competition he already saw on the horizon: a competition between the world's only three internationally based power structures for truly global hegemony.An isolated figure Karol Wojtyla may have been in the fall of 1976-at least for many Westerners. But two years later, in October of 1978, when he emerged from the Sistine Chapel in Rome as Pope John Paul II, the 263rd successor to Peter the Apostle, he was himself the head of the most extensive and deeply experienced of the three global powers that would, within a short time, set about ending the nation-state system of world politics that have defined human society for over a thousand years.It is not too much to say, in fact, that the chosen purpose of John Paul's pontificate - the engine that drives his Papal grand policy and that determines his day-to-day, year-by-year strategies, is to be the victor in that competition, now well under way. For the fact is that the stakes John Paul has placed in the arena of geopolitical contention include everything - himself; his papal persona; the age-old Petrine Office he now embodies; and his entire Church Universal, both as an institutional organization unparalleled in the world and as a body of believers united by a bond of mystical communion.The other two contenders in the arena of this "greatest historical confrontation humanity has gone through" are no mean adversaries. Rather, they are the leaders of two most deeply entrenched secular powers, who stand, in a collective sense, on their record as the authors and the primary actors in the period of history that has been so much the worst of times that the best face we can put on it is to say that we were not swallowed up in the apocalypse of World War III - as if that were the best man could do for his fellow man.. . . . . .There is one great similarity shared by all three of these geopolitical competitors. Each one of them has in mind a particular grand design for one-world governance. In fact, each one of them talks now in nearly the same terms Karol Wojtyla used in his American visit in 1976. They all give speeches about the end to the nation system of our passing civilization. Their geopolitical competition is about which of the three will form, dominate and run the world system that will replace the decaying nation system.There is at least one other similarity among these groups that is worthy of note, primarily because it leads to misunderstanding and confusion. And that is the language each group uses to present its case to the world.All three contenders use more or less the same agreeable terms when propagandizing their individual designs for the new world order. All three declare that man and his needs are to be the measure of what those individual designs will accomplish. All three speak of individual freedom and man's liberation from want and hunger; of his natural dignity; of his individual; social; political and cultural rights; of the good life to which each individual has a fundamental right.Beneath the similarity of language, however, there lies a vast difference in meaning and intent; and greatly dissimilar track records of accomplishment.. . . . . .Similarities of public rhetoric , therefore do more to mask than clarify the profound differences between the contenders, and the profoundly different consequences for us all of the grand design each one proposes for the arrangement of our human affairs.. . . . . .Indeed so definitive is the cleavage and distinction among the three that each realizes only one of them can ultimately be the victor of the millennial endgame.. . . . . .All during those years the two Churchmen - the Cardinal and the future Pope - already thought and worked in terms of what Wyszynski called the "three internationales." That was the classical term he used to talk about geopolitical contenders for true world power.There exist on this earth, Wyszynski used to say, only three Internationales. The "Golden Internationale" was his shorthand term for the financial powers of the world - the Transnationalist and Internationalist globalist leaders of the West.The "Red Internationale" was of course the Leninist-Marxist Party-State of the Soviet Union, with which he and Wojtyla and their compatriots had such long and painfully intimate experience.The third geopolitical contender - the Roman Catholic Church; the "Black Internationale" - was destined in Wyszynski's view to be the ultimate victor in any contention with those rivals.Surely such a thought seemed outlandish to much of the world - including much of the Roman Catholic hierarchy in the Vatican and elsewhere. Nonetheless it was a view that Karol Wojtyla not only shared. It was one that he had helped to prove against the Soviets and that he now carried into the Papacy itself.According to the outlook Wojtyla brought to the office and the role of Supreme Pontiff of the Roman Church, it was unthinkable that the Marxist East and the Capitalist West should continue to determine the international scheme of things. It was intolerable that the world should be frozen in the humanly unprofitable and largely dehumanizing stalemate of ideological contention, coupled with permissive connivance that marked all the dealings between those two forces, with no exit in sight.In a move that was so totally unexpected at that moment in time that it was misread by most of the world - but a move that was characteristic in its display of his independence of both East and West - Pope John Paul embarked without delay on his Papal gamble to force the hand of geopolitical change.In the late spring of 1979, he made an official visit as newly elected Roman Pope to his Soviet-run homeland of Poland. There, he demonstrated for the masters of Leninism and capitalism alike that the national situations that obtained in the Soviet satellites, and the international status quo that obtained in the world as a whole, were outclassed and transcended by certain issues of a truly geopolitical nature. Issues that he defined again and again in terms based solely and solidly on Roman Catholic principles, while Soviet arms and tanks rumbled and rattled helplessly all around him.It is a measure of the frozen mentalities of that time that few in the West understood the enormous leap John Paul accomplished in that first of his many Papal travels. Most observers took it as the return of a religious leader to his beloved Poland; as an emotional but otherwise unremarkable apostolic visit, complete with sermons and ceremonies, and excited weeping throngs.One commentator, however, writing in the German newspaper Frankfurter Zeitung, not only read the Papal achievement accurately, but read the Papal intent as well: "A new factor has been added to the presently accepted formula of international contention. It is a Slavic Pope. The imbalance in our thinking has been unobtrusively but decisively and, as it were, overnight corrected by the emergence of John Paul. For his persona has refocused international attention away from the two extremes, East and West, and on the actual center of change, Mitteleuropa, the central bloc of Europe's nations."Presciently as well as planned by design, the Pontiff's first step into the geopolitical arena was eastward into Poland, the underbelly of the Soviet Union. In John Paul's geopolitical analysis, Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals is a giant see-saw of power. Europe from the Baltic to the Adriatic Sea is the center of that power. The Holy Father's battle was to control that center.World commentary and opinion aside, therefore, the point of John Paul's foray into Poland was not merely that he was a religious leader. The point was that he was more. He was a geopolitical Pope.. . . . . .Though in one sense his new life as Roman Pontiff was a very public one, another dimension of that life gave John Paul a certain invaluable immunity from suspicious and prying eyes. That white robe and skull cap, that Fisherman's Ring on his index finger, the panoply of Papal liturgy, the appanage of Pontifical life, all meant that the rank and file world leaders, as well as most observers and commentators, would see him almost exclusively as a religious leader.There were some early advantages for John Paul in that immunity. For one thing, his remarkable new vantage point was like a one-way geopolitical window at which he could stand, at least for a time, relatively unobserved himself and essentially undisturbed. With all the incomparable information of the Papal office at his disposal, he could suddenly train his vision with extraordinary accuracy on the whole human scene. He could sift through all of those historical developments Wyszynski had mused about. He could examine them in terms of what would work geopolitically, and what would be pointless. He could form an accurate picture of the few - the very few - inevitable trends and forces in the world that were slowly and surely, if still covertly, affecting the lives of fortunes of nations as the world headed into the 1980s.More, he could clearly discern all the players - the champions of those inevitable forces - as they emerged and came to the fore in the confrontation in the millennium endgame. Even before the competition had begun, he could predict from where the true competitors would have to come. In general terms, he could outline where they would stand and in what direction they would plan to move. Finally, once all the individuals who would be in true and serious contention were in place - once all the players had names and faces, as well as ideologies and agendas that were clear - he thought he could simply put the final pieces together.By examining the vision each contender held concerning the supreme realities governing human life, and by paying careful attention to the designs they fashioned and pursued in the practical world, he did form a clear enough idea of the brand of geopolitics they would attempt to command, and of the new world order they would attempt to create.All in all, then, Karol Wojtyla was in a privileged position, from which he could form the most accurate advance picture possible of the millennium endgame arena. He could assess the lay of the land; sort out the primary forces of history likely to be at work in the competition; look in the right direction to find the likely champions of those major forces; and reckon what might be their chances for success.A second advantage for Pope John Paul in the peculiar Papal immunity he enjoyed was that the champions he expected to enter the endgame arena did not expect him to be a contender. They failed to read him in the same geopolitical terms he applied to them. He was not seen as a threat even in those political, cultural and financial circles outside the Roman Church where there has always been an abiding fear of "Caesaro-Papism." A fear that implied an ugly suspicion of totalitarian and anti-democratic ambition in any Pope, whoever he might be. The ancient but still entertained fear that if any Roman Pope had his way, he would damage or abolish democratic freedoms - above all, the freedom to think, to experiment and to develop politically. There seemed to be no fear of John Paul as a potential Caesar.In point of fact, however, John Paul's ambition went very far. As far as his view of himself as the servant of God who would slowly prepare all men and women, in their earthly condition, for eternal salvation in the Heaven of God's glory. For many minds, the combination of such transcendent aims with the worldly-wise discernment of a canny geopolitician would have been an unacceptable shock.As it was, however - and well before globalism was even added to the lexicon of high government officials and powerful corporate CEOs around the world; well before the world was treated to the spectacle of Mikhail Gorbachev as supreme public impresario of dazzling changes in the world's political landscape; well before the globalist trends now taken for granted were apparent to most of the world's leaders - this Slavic Pope had a certain leisure to scan the society of nations, with a new eye toward a purpose that is as old as the Papacy itself. With an eye that was not merely international, but truly global. And with a purpose to lay his Papal plans in concert with those few and very certain developments Cardinal Wyszynski had spoken of as "willed by the Lord of History." In concert with those trends that were already moving the whole society of mankind the way the stars move across the heavens - according to the awesome inevitability of the unbreakable will of God.As clearly as if they had been color-coded features marked on a contour map, Pope John Paul recognized the inevitabilities of late twentieth century geopolitics already flowing like irresistible rivers across the world's landscape in the fall of 1978.The inability of the United States to maintain its former world hegemony was undeniable in its clarity. Just as clear was the similar inability of the Soviet Union to hold all the unnatural members of its ungainly body in its close embrace. Those two factors alone made it necessary to take a fresh reading of the efforts to form a "New Europe." A different alignment of power would inevitably supercede the old Western alliance that had been put together for the purpose of offsetting the Soviet threat.. . . . . .Though certain western leaders - Jean Monnet was but one among many - had for some decades been keen on a rather restricted idea of a commercially united Europe, it was in fact the Soviet Union that was the first and most deeply impressed by John Paul's 1979 challenge in Poland.. . . . . .At another level, meanwhile - at the level of the mechanics of geopolitical innovation - by 1989, within four years of his ascendancy to leadership in the Soviet Union, Gorbachev had accomplished what no Soviet leader before him had ever thought to do, and would probably not have believed possible. He had forced the West into a complete 180-degree reversal of its seventy-year policy toward the USSR. He forced the "Group of Seven" European nations to hold a seminal meeting precisely to deal with his presence and proposals on the world stage; and then he literally hijacked their meeting without even setting foot out of Moscow. And finally, he forced major meetings of the European nations


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